The Obama administration favors the term ISIL. Many Western news outlets have switched to calling the group "the Islamic State." And in general, ISIS might be the most ubiquitous acronym.
All three terms refer to the terrorist group that rose to prominence this summer, taking over parts of Iraq and Syria, declaring a new caliphate and beheading two American journalists. Why is there so much disagreement over what, exactly, to call them?
Jonah Blank is a former staffer at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, where he advised Joe Biden and John Kerry when they were senators. He's now at the RAND Corp. think tank. He tells NPR's Steve Inskeep that the militant organization is waging a propaganda war — and what name it goes by is part of that war.
Here's a breakdown of the key terms, and the debates that swirl around them:
Islamic State
This is the term used by the organization itself these days, and it speaks to their ambitions.
"They're claiming to represent all Muslims everywhere — they have declared the establishment of a new caliphate," Blank says. "So if they are to actually own this term, that'll be a huge propaganda victory for them."
Outside of the group and its supporters, the phrase isn't widely used in the Middle East, Blank says.
"My sense is that it's not very widely accepted at all, because to Muslims everywhere, the Islamic State has a real meaning," he says. "It means the caliphate — it means a universal, legitimate, Islamic rule. And very few Muslims anywhere see this group as legitimate."
Meanwhile, many Western media outlets have adopted this phrase, or the abbreviation IS — Blank says he's seen its usage increase over the past two months.
(NPR's policy is to initially call the group "the self-declared Islamic State" or some equivalent phrase, use ISIS in later references and, when necessary, explain that ISIL is another widely used acronym.)
"I think that for a lot of journalists [IS] is just easier. It takes up less space in a headline. It's what the group actually calls itself, so it has that benefit," Blank says. Plus, it avoids the complications and confusions of the acronyms ISIS and ISIL.
ISIS
ISIS, for instance, stands for the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. That's a direct translation of the group's full name in Arabic, but "Syria" in this case means "Greater Syria" — not the modern nation by that name.
"It refers to Syria, Lebanon, parts of Turkey, parts of what are now Jordan," Blank explains. "The 'S' in the Arabic is "al-Sham."
Al-Sham, as The New York Times explained in June, "is the classical Arabic term for Damascus and its hinterlands, and over time, it came to denote the area between the Mediterranean and the Euphrates, south of the Taurus Mountains and north of the Arabian desert."
It's a bit confusing: the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria-but-not-just-"Syria."
ISIL
The phrase preferred by the Obama administration translates "al-Sham" as "the Levant," another name for the same region — one that isn't as misleading as "Syria."
"That's partly why I think the president prefers ISIL," Blank says. "It doesn't have the lengthy explanation that I've just gone into."
The word "Levant" isn't very common today.
The Times called it "a once-common term that now has something of an antique whiff about it, like 'the Orient.' Because of the term's French colonial associations, many Arab nationalists and Islamist radicals disdain it, and it is unlikely that the militant group would choose 'Levant' to render its name."
The definition and boundaries of the Levant have varied over time and have included parts or all of modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Turkey, Jordan, Israel, the Palestinian territories and even the island of Cyprus.
Competing Narratives, Varying Names
Compared with ISIS, the group's old name, and ISIL, that alternate acronym, the newest identifier — "the Islamic State" — is a key piece of propaganda for the group, especially when it comes to targeting potential terrorist recruits.
"That's a very potent area of propaganda, because ISIS has attracted potentially thousands of foreign fighters, and none of these foreign fighters see themselves as terrorists. They see themselves as knights. They see themselves as mujahedeen. They see themselves as freedom fighters," Blank says. "So they're very interested in fighting for the Islamic State, and they do not regard what they are doing as in any way an act of terrorism."
The United States, of course, has a different take on what the organization is — and Blank says the government is not doing as well as it could, and should, to push that narrative.
"Part of the problem is that there are several different narratives for different audiences. For the American audience — for the American people — the narrative has got to be, 'Your government will protect you. Your government will protect American interests,' " he says. "However, the big narrative for ISIS is, who is going to defeat them? Is this the battle that the United States will be waging? Is this a battle for the world community to be waging? Or is this a battle that really has got to be waged by Muslims and particularly by Sunni Muslims?
"That's a totally different narrative, and it's one that the U.S. can facilitate, but the U.S. cannot really control."
Transcript
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
And we talk next about how language shapes our perceptions. This is the story of a name, the name of an extremist group. It calls itself the Islamic State. President Obama prefers ISIL. Others say ISIS. Jonah Blank says the name of that group in Iraq and Syria matters a lot. He's a former advisor to Democratic leaders of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and is now at the RAND Corporation.
What is the importance of the term that this group has put on itself, Islamic State?
JONAH BLANK: Well, they're claiming to represent all Muslims everywhere. They have declared the establishment of a new caliphate. So if they are to actually own this term, that'll be a huge propaganda victory for them.
INSKEEP: OK, so how successful, as far as you can tell, has this group been in getting people to call it the Islamic State?
BLANK: Well, in the Western press, it seems as if they are gaining a lot of ground. More people are calling them IS today than were calling them IS two months ago. I think that for a lot of journalists, it's just easier. It takes up less space in a headline. It's what the group actually calls itself, so it has that benefit. And also, it avoids the complicated and confusing terminology of what does ISIS or ISIL stand for.
INSKEEP: OK, that gets to the next point. ISIS, ISIL - what's the difference?
BLANK: Well, the difference is ISIL stands for the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant. And ISIS stands for the Islamic State in Iraq and Greater Syria. But the problem is that the S doesn't refer to the modern state of Syria, it refers to Syria, Lebanon, parts of Turkey, parts of what are now Jordan. The S in the Arabic is al-Sham. So that's partly why I think the president prefers ISIL. It doesn't have the lengthy explanation that I've just gone into.
INSKEEP: Let's talk now about the greater Middle East, the region in which this is taking place. Based on what you know, how widely accepted is the phrase Islamic State there?
BLANK: My sense is that it's not very widely accepted at all because to Muslims everywhere, the Islamic State has a real meaning. It means the caliphate, a universal, legitimate Islamic rule. And very few Muslims anywhere see this group as legitimate.
INSKEEP: What about the effect of saying Islamic State on potential terrorist recruits, that narrow subset of people that might be willing go over and fight for this group calling itself the Islamic state?
BLANK: That's a very potent area of propaganda because ISIS has attracted potentially thousands of foreign fighters, and none of these foreign fighters see themselves as terrorists. They see themselves as knights, as mujahedin. They see themselves as freedom fighters. So they're very interested in fighting for the Islamic State, and they do not regard what they're doing as, in any way, an act of terrorism.
INSKEEP: How is the United States doing at pushing its own narrative in this situation?
BLANK: Not as well as the U.S. really could and should be doing. Part of the problem is that there are several different narratives for different audiences. For the American audience, for the American people, the narrative has got to be, your government will protect you. Your government will protect American interests. However, the big narrative for ISIS is, who is going to defeat them? Is this the battle that the United States will be waging? Is this a battle for the world community to be waging? Or is this a battle that has really got to be waged by Muslims and particularly by Sunni Muslims? That's a totally different narrative, and it's one that the U.S. can facilitate but the U.S. cannot really control.
INSKEEP: Jonah Blank is a former senior staffer at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He advised Joe Biden and John Kerry when they were there. He's now at the RAND Corporation. Thanks very much.
BLANK: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.
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